My Comment for today:
It is not any one event or story that gives us the big picture but the information in aggregate. We the people are not happy about what we are seeing. The other day I was listening to an interview by Paul Craig Roberts, former assistant secretary of the treasury, an insider at the highest level of government. He was speaking about how the economy was outsourced to the communist chinese. Shortly after I left the house and saw a police car painted over all black, no sirens. Inside was an officer wearing all black (unusual) black armor everything. His kit resembled what they wear when they disperse protests. I was followed to my destination.
I can remember when I was younger learning about the rise of fascism and asking how could the people be so calm almost accepting of their fate? Why did not more people leave ahead of time? Why did they not feel threatened by the big guys in black with guns? Now I understand a little bit better their lack of fear. When you get old, you are too old to be afraid. You see the world with different eyes.
We are living in a system I like to call "
Industrial Apartheid". I wanted to coin this phase publicly so it would be granted some immunity from the memory hole.
All regions have a right to industrial capacity. All people have a right to opportunity. When wealth is concentrated in one place, china the worlds factory, the rest of the worlds people are denied opportunity to use their talents to benefit humanity.
A new economic system must be established based on localized production, democratic accountability, environmental sustainability, and human rights protection.
We must resist the rise of Globalist Corporate Fascism. The New World Order we are living in amounts to Industrial Apartheid. I have been researching, and would like to elaborate more but I don't have time right now. About a week ago I came across an article that illuminated how the New World Order could be stopped.
Ukraine trade demand shocks global partners.
Notice the chosen photo is clearly propaganda. Basically the existing wto system that underpins the New World Order and created huge trade imbalances/ deficits has a weak spot. When countries raise tariffs they have to raise them equally on all trade partners. This presents difficulty because large nations with very diversified trade have an incentive not to retaliate for fear of affecting trade with other nations. A domino effect could have nations making strategic calculations on tariff policy that could have large and potential disruptive effects on trade flows. This potential chain reaction is a good thing as the current system of trade is unbalanced unsustainable and privately controlled by corporations and the communist party of china.
I have no time. I have to go now. Pray the black shirts don't get a hold of me.
Here's an article you might like:
This is a credible source. There has been a lot of scholarly research
published about international trade and investment law. It's out there
for anyone to find, just look up "investor state provisions". I have
spend countless hours studying these things. They essentially are a way
for the corrupt and powerful to get around democratic decision making,
and while their at it steal taxpayers money.
The author of this article is Gus Van Harten, a professor at Osgoode Hall Law School where he
specializes in international investment law. His research on
investor-state arbitration is available at
www.iiapp.org and
http://ssrn.com/author=638855.
Canada-China investment deal allows for confidential lawsuits against Canada
The Harper government is very keen on Chinese investment. On this
there is little doubt, now that the Canada-China investment deal has
been released.
The deal will tie the hands of
Canadian governments, especially in the resource sector, once Chinese
firms buy Canadian assets. It allows Chinese companies to sue Canada
outside of Canadian courts. Remarkably, the lawsuits can proceed behind
closed doors. This shift to secrecy reverses a long-standing policy of
the Canadian government.
Under the deal, Chinese firms can sue
in special tribunals to protect themselves from Canadian government
decisions. Canadian companies can do the same against China. The
technical name for this is “investor-state arbitration.” In Canada, it
has been in operation since NAFTA.
In turn, any decision by any state
entity in Canada — from federal or provincial legislation to a Supreme
Court of Canada decision — can be challenged by a Chinese investor. The
arbitrators, if they conclude that the decision violates flexible
standards of investor protection, can issue orders and award damages
against a country.
On the other hand, no one in Canada
including the government will be able, under the deal, to sue a Chinese
investor for breaking any laws. The claims are one-way. Also, only the
federal government can participate in the arbitrations. Provincial
governments, Canadian companies and other constituencies have no right
of standing even if their interests are affected directly.
There is reason to doubt the
independence of the arbitration process. Unlike judges, the arbitrators
do not have secure tenure and set salaries. They depend for business on
investors (to bring the claims) and on arbitration houses (to choose the
arbitrators when the disputing parties disagree). Further, the
arbitrators’ decisions on legal issues are not subject to judicial
review.
So, it is prudent to ask, who are the arbitrators more likely to see as the major country, Canada or China?
Canada has a mixed record in
investor-state arbitration. We have lost about half of the decided cases
against the government, all by U.S. companies under NAFTA. Canada has
had to pay about $160 million in compensation, with another award
pending in a case involving research and development rules for the
Hibernia and Terra Nova offshore projects.
Worse, Canadian investors have sued
other countries, usually the U.S., 16 times and lost every case. We have
lost on softwood lumber, cattle and gold mining. We have lost on
gasoline additives, hemp and funeral homes. We have lost on a lot of
things.
It is reasonable to expect that
Chinese investors will use the Canada-China deal to pressure governments
in Canada, especially in the resource sector. About one in five
investor lawsuits involves a resource dispute. At least nine of the U.S.
lawsuits against Canada under NAFTA have related to resources.
Most surprisingly, the Chinese
lawsuits can be kept secret. This is in stark contrast to other treaties
signed by Canada. Under NAFTA, since 2001, Canada and the U.S. have
ensured that investor-state arbitrations were open.
Under the Canada-China deal, the
arbitration hearings and all documents, except an actual award, can be
kept confidential at the discretion of the country that is sued. This
suggests that China objected to disclosure of Canadian lawsuits against
it. More importantly for Canadians, the Harper government did not insist
on disclosure when Canada is sued by the Chinese.
By implication, we shall have to
assume in time that there are hidden Chinese lawsuits against Canada. We
will not know why we have been sued or who is deciding the case. We
will not know what the government is arguing on our behalf. And we will
not know if Canada has been ordered to change government decisions.
Confidentiality is fine in commercial
arbitration where the disputes do not affect the public. It is noxious
in investor-state arbitration, which often involves matters of public
importance. Incidentally, the secrecy has little to do with encouraging
settlements; investors can and often do pursue confidential settlements
before bringing a claim.
The turn to secrecy is an about-face
for the government. Canada was until now a champion of openness in
investor-state arbitration. As countries like Australia, India, and
South Africa pull away from investor-state arbitration, we are embracing
it in a virulent form.
The Canada-China deal undermines
basic Canadian principles of public accountability and open courts. It
raises dramatically the stakes of Chinese takeovers in the resource
sector. If ratified, it will tie the hands of future elected governments
for at least 31 years.